Assassin legends and terminology
Assassin is a name that was applied originally by the Crusader circles in the Near East and other medieval Europeans to the泭Nizari泭梆莽鳥硃勳梭勳莽.
The term assassin, which appeared in European languages in a variety of forms (e.g., assassini, assissini, and heyssisini), was evidently based on variants of the Arabic word hashishi (梯梭.泭堯硃莽堯勳莽堯勳聆聆硃,泭堯硃莽堯勳莽堯勳紳). The latter was applied by other Muslims to泭Nizaris泭in the pejorative sense of low-class rabble or people of lax morality, without any derivative explanation reflecting any special connection between the泭Nizaris泭and hashish, a product of hemp. This term of abuse was picked up locally in Syria by the泭Crusaders泭and European travellers and adopted as the designation of the Nizari Ismailis. Subsequently, after the etymology of the term had been forgotten, it came to be used in Europe as a noun meaning murderer. Thus, a misnomer rooted in abuse eventually resulted in a new word, assassin, in European languages.
Medieval Europeansand especially the Crusaderswho remained ignorant of Islam as a religion and of its internal divisions were also responsible for fabricating and disseminating (in the Latin Orient as well as in Europe) a number of interconnected legends about the secret practices of the泭Nizaris, the so-called assassin legends. In particular, the legends sought to provide a rational explanation for the seemingly irrational self-sacrificing behaviour of the Nizari泭款勳餃硃is; as such, they revolved around the recruitment and training of the youthful devotees. The legends developed in stages from the time of Sinan and throughout the thirteenth century. Soon, the seemingly blind obedience of the泭款勳餃硃is to their leader was attributed, by their occidental observers, to the influence of an intoxicating drug like hashish. There is no evidence that suggests that hashish or any other drug was used in any systematic fashion to motivate the泭款勳餃硃is; contemporary non-Ismaili Muslim sources that are generally hostile toward the Ismailis remain silent on this subject. In all probability, it was the abusive name泭hashishi that gave rise to the imaginative tales disseminated by the泭Crusaders.
Culmination of the assassin legends
The assassin legends culminated in a synthesized version that was popularised by Marco Polo, who combined the hashish legend with a number of other legends and also added his own contribution in the form of a secret garden of paradise, where the泭款勳餃硃is supposedly received part of their training. By the fourteenth century, the assassin legends had acquired wide currency in Europe and the Latin Orient, and they were accepted as reliable descriptions of the secret practices of the Nizari Ismailis, who were generally portrayed in European sources as a sinister order of drugged assassins. Subsequently, Westerners retained the name泭assassins泭as a general reference to the Nizari Ismailis, although the term had now become a new common noun in European languages meaning murderer. It was AL Silvestre de Sacy (17581838) who succeeded in solving the mystery of the name and its etymology, although he and the other orientalists continued to endorse various aspects of the assassin legends. Modern scholarship in Ismaili studies, which is based on authentic Ismaili sources, has now begun to deconstruct the Assassin legends that surround the Nizari Ismailis and their泭款勳餃硃is legends rooted in hostility and imaginative ignorance.
Further reading
- Daftary, F.泭The Assassin Legends: Myths of the Ismailis, 88127. London: I.B. Tauris, 1994.
- Hodgson, Marshall GS泭The Order of Assassins, 8284, 110115, 133137. The Hague: Mouton, 1955.
- Lewis, B.泭The Assassins, 1-12, 124-40. London; Weidenfeld and Nicols繹n, 1967.
- Polo, Marco.泭The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 3rd revised ed. by H. Cordier, ed. and transl. H Yule, vol. 1, 139-146. London: J. Murray, 1929.
- Silvestre de Sacy, AL. Memoir sur La Dyanastie des Assassins, et sur LEtymologie de leur Nom.泭Memoires de sins, et sur lInstitut Royal de France泭4(1818): 1-84. (English translation in F Daftary,泭The Assassin Legends, 136-188.)