Abstract
Whether overtly or covertly, the IsmailisAdherents of a branch of Shi’i Islam that considers Ismail, the eldest son of the Shi’i Imam JaŹæfar al-į¹¢Ädiq (d. 765), as his successor. have played an important role in the cultural history of Islam, particularly in Syria and Egypt, where they constituted the Fatimid , which was to last for around 200 years. After the fall of the in 1171 CE and during the subsequent diaspora, they became famous for their strongholds in Iran and Syria, from where they intervened in the various conflicts between Christian powers and the Muslim kingdoms in the Holy Land.
In religious terms, the Ismaili community is part of the larger diversity of the worldwide Muslim Over the passage of time, Muslims constituted a variety of groups, which exemplified diverse ways of understanding the primal message of Islam and different approaches to how that commonly held message could be reflected in the practical life and organisation of the community. The Ismailis are one such group. They are part of the branch of Islam, the Sunni being the other major branch, and have always constituted a minority, historically and in the contemporary world. At present, the Ismailis live in over twenty-five countries, in virtually every region of the world. In some of these regions, their history goes back over a thousand years. Syria is one such example where the Ismaili presence can be dated to the 9th century.
Among the Shi’a, there were those who remained faithful to the line of Imams who descended fromĀ ImamĀ Ja’far al-Sadiq (d. 765 CE) through his son,ĢżImamĀ Ismail. Hence, they came to be known as Ismailis. There were other Shi’i groups who gave their allegiance to different lines of Imams. The largest group among such other Shi’is are called Ithna’ashari; they believe in a line of twelve Imams, ending in the who remains in occultation (ghayba) and would reappear to grant salvation at the end of time.
Introduction
Whether overtly or covertly, the Ismailis have played an important role in the cultural historyĀ of Islam, particularly in Syria and Egypt, where they constituted the FatimidĀ caliphateThe Muslim political institution or state centred around the caliph, which came to an end, historically, in 1924 with the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire., whichĀ was to last for around 200 years. After the fall of theĀ FatimidsĀ in 1171 CE and during theĀ subsequent diaspora, they became famous for their strongholds in Iran and Syria, from whereĀ they intervened in the various conflicts between Christian powers and the Muslim kingdomsĀ in the Holy Land.
In religious terms, the Ismaili community is part of the larger diversity of the worldwideĀ MuslimĀ umma. Over the passage of time, Muslims constituted a variety of groups, whichĀ exemplified diverse ways of understanding the primal message of Islam and differentĀ approaches to how that commonly held message could be reflected in the practical life andĀ organisation of the community. The Ismailis are one such group. They are part of theĀ ShiāaĀ branch of Islam, the Sunni being the other major branch, and have always constituted aĀ minority, historically and in the contemporary world. At present, the Ismailis live in overĀ twenty-five countries, in virtually every region of the world. In some of these regions, theirĀ history goes back over a thousand years. Syria is one such example where the IsmailiĀ presence can be dated to the 9th century.
Among theĀ Shiāa, there were those who remained faithful to the line of Imams whoĀ descended fromĀ ImamĀ Jaāfar al-Sadiq (d. 765 CE) through his son,ĢżImamĀ Ismail. Hence, theyĀ came to be known asĀ Ismaāilis. There were other Shiāi groups who gave their allegiance toĀ different lines of Imams. The largest group among such other Shiāis are called Ithnaāashari;Ā they believe in a line of twelve Imams, ending in theĀ MahdiĀ who remains in occultationĀ (ghayba) and would reappear to grant salvation at the end of time.
A Wide-Spread Network with Shifting Power Bases
The difficult and divisive political climate of the time caused the early Ismaili Imams, fearingĀ persecution, to maintain anonymity. According to Ismaili historical sources, they lived duringĀ this time inĀ SalamiyyaĀ in central Syria. It was fromĀ SalamiyyaĀ that the Imams secretly guidedĀ the activities of their followers from North Africa toĀ KhurasanĀ and Central Asia. During this early period, dating to the middle of the 9th century, the community came to be organisedĀ through the institution known as theĀ »å²¹āw²¹. Although the term was not confined to theĀ Ismailis, their skilful organisation and effective communications gave it a very uniqueĀ character at the time. The individuals representing theĀ »å²¹āw²¹Ā were known to lead exemplary ethical lives and possessed a keen knowledge of the highest intellectual sciences of the day.Ā Known asĀ »å²¹āis, they also combined knowledge of diplomacy and public relations. Their roleĀ was to summon people to the cause of Islam and of the Ismaili Imams and to promote theĀ social, moral and spiritual welfare of the community and the regions in which they lived.
The combined efforts of members of theĀ »å²¹āw²¹Ā created strong support for the Imams in NorthĀ Africa, Yemen and Syria. It was however from Syria that the Imams guided the activities ofĀ their followers in these different regions. Even after the Ismaili Imams began to rule asĀ Fatimid caliphs in Cairo, Syria continued to be an important region for theirĀ »å²¹āw²¹Ā activities,Ģż also comprising one of the dominions of the Fatimid state. Syrian Ismailis have thereforeĀ constituted an important part of the Ismaili community throughout its history.
The history of Egypt itself, where the Fatimid rulers were in power from 969 CE to 1171 CE,Ģż experienced a long period of prosperity, during that period. TheĀ FatimidsĀ established strategicĀ control over Mediterranean and Red Sea trade routes with Cairo serving as an entrepĆ“t. TheyĀ generated a flourishing era of commercial activity which included Syria. Under Fatimid rule,Ģż Egypt participated vigorously in international trade with lands such as India and the Far East,
North Africa, Nubia, Europe, Byzantium (Constantinople in particular), Sicily and otherĀ islands of the Mediterranean. Agriculture led to self-sufficiency, and industry was promoted.Ā Various religious communities, Jewish, Christian and Muslim, lived together in a spirit ofĀ mutual respect and enjoyed prosperity under the relative stability of the time.
It was, however, in the sphere of intellectual life that Fatimid achievements seem mostĀ brilliant and outstanding. The Fatimid rulers were lavish patrons of learning, and theirĀ generous encouragement of scientific research and cultural activity caused Cairo, their newlyĀ founded capital, to exert a degree of magnetic attraction, such as to draw renownedĀ mathematicians, physicians and astronomers to the city from all over the Muslim world.Ā Within the royal court, noted poets such as Ibn Hani and Tamim b. al-Muāizz, and historiansĀ and geographers such as al-Musabbihi and al-Muhallabi, flourished under the patronage ofĀ theĀ FatimidsMajor Muslim dynasty of Ismaili caliphs in North Africa (from 909) and later in Egypt (973ā1171) More. The universities ofĀ al-AzharĀ andĀ Dar al-āIlmĀ provided a monumental andĀ enduring testimony to the Fatimidsā love of learning. Figures of outstanding ability, such asĀ Abu Yaāqub al-Sijistani,ĢżQadiĀ al-Nuāman, HamidĀ al-DinĀ al-Kirmani, al-Muāayyad fiāl-Din al Shirazi and Nasir-i Khusraw, made crucial contributions to the articulation of Ismaili thoughtĀ which was characterised by a remarkably complex upsurge of intellectual activity which M.Ā Canard in theĀ Encyclopaedia of IslamĀ has described as analogous to that which took place inĀ Europe in the 18th century. The cultural impact of the Fatimid state was not confined to theĀ Muslim world. At the height of its power, while the Fatimid fleet and commerce dominatedĀ the eastern Mediterranean, the influence of the universities in Cairo spread into Europe, withĀ Fatimid writers contributing significantly to the development in the West of sciences such asĀ optics, medicine and astronomy.
When the Persian poet and thinker Nasir-i Khusraw visited Cairo in 1047 CE, he was amazedĀ by the high level of prosperity and the security enjoyed by its citizens. āI saw such personalĀ wealth there,ā he records in hisĀ ³§²¹“Ś²¹°ł²Ō²¹³¾²¹Ģż(Book of Travels),1Ā āthat were I to describe it,Ģż the people of Persia would never believe it.ā He goes on to report that āthe security andĀ welfare of the people have reached a point that drapers, money changers and jewellers do notĀ even lock their shops – they just lower a net across the front, and no one tampers withĀ anything.ā
TheĀ FatimidsĀ attached great value and importance to education and learning. TheyĀ established one of the worldās earliest universities. Founded in 970 CE as the mosque of al Azhar (meaning āHouse of Illuminationā), it was later transformed into a university with itsĀ own curriculum, lecture halls and residences for teachers and students, funded generously byĀ the Imams.Ā Al-AzharĀ became the foremost Fatimid institution of higher learning, specialisingĀ in various religious sciences such as Qurāanic studies, theology and law.
Another important academic institution of theĀ FatimidsĀ was theĀ Dar al-āIlmĀ (āHouse ofĀ Knowledgeā), also known asĀ Dar al-HikmahĀ (āHouse of Wisdomā). Founded by the FatimidĀ Caliph-Imam al-Hakim in 1005 CE, this academy was accommodated with its own library inĀ a section of the Fatimid palace. It is likely that Hasan-i Sabbah himself, the future founder ofĀ the Ismaili State in Iran, received some of his advanced education at this academy when heĀ visited Cairo in 1078 CE.
It was during theĀ AlamutĀ period in Nizari Ismaili history that Syrian Ismailis acquired majorĀ prominence and became well-known in Europe. In the final decades of the 11th century aĀ group of Ismailis under the leadership of Hasan-i Sabbah (d. 1124 CE) established a state inĀ Iran. They had given allegiance toĀ ImamĀ Nizar, the eldest son and designated asĀ ImamĀ by theĀ last effective Fatimid Caliph-Imam al-Mustansir billah, who died in 1094 CE. As part of aĀ policy of consolidating relationships with other Ismailis, Hasan-i Sabbah sent emissaries toĀ Syria to assist the community in its organisation. Syria was politically fragmented. The firstĀ Turkoman bands had entered Syria as early as 1055 CE, and the country was subsequentlyĀ invaded by theĀ SaljuqĀ armies. By 1078 CE, the whole of Syria, apart from a coastal stripĀ retained by theĀ Fatimids, was underĀ SaljuqĀ rule or suzerainty; Tutush, the brother of the GreatĀ Ā SaljuqĀ Sultan Malikshah, had come to be recognised as theĀ SaljuqĀ overlord of Syria. As inĀ Persia,ĢżSaljuqĀ rule in Syria had caused many problems and was resented by the Syrians whoĀ were divided amongst themselves and unable to expel the invaders. In time, factional fightsĀ among the Saljuqs caused widespread disruption and Syria was broken into a number ofĀ smaller states. It became the scene of rivalry among differentĀ SaljuqĀ princes and amirs, eachĀ one claiming a part of the country, while various minor local dynasties were at the same timeĀ attempting to assert their independence.
The political fragmentation of Syria became more pronounced by the appearance of theĀ Ā CrusadersĀ in 1097 CE. Starting from Antioch, theĀ CrusadersĀ advanced swiftly along theĀ Syrian coast and settled down in the conquered territories, establishing four Latin states basedĀ in Edessa, Antioch, Tripoli and Jerusalem. The Frankish encroachment of Syria naturallyĀ added to the apprehensions of the local population, complicating theĀ SaljuqĀ quarrels. In theseĀ troubled times, the most importantĀ SaljuqĀ rulers of Syria were Tutushās sons Ridwan (1095Ā CE-1113 CE) and Duqaq (1095 CE-1104 CE), who ruled respectively from Aleppo andĀ Damascus.
The Ismailis therefore had to develop a strategy for survival and sustainability in theseĀ troubled regions. An evident solution to this problem was to create well-fortified centresĀ where the community would find protection and freedom to organise and practise their faith.Ā Over time, they were successful in obtaining a number of fortresses in the mountain areaĀ known then as the Jabal Bahra, today called the Jabal Ansariyya after its Nusayri population.
The Ismailis in Medieval Syria
The first Nizari leader in Syria, mentioned by the Damascene historian Ibn al-Qalanisi andĀ later sources, was known as al-Hakim al-Munajjim, the physician astrologer. ProbablyĀ accompanied by a number of supporters fromĀ AlamutFortress of the Nizari Ismailis in northern Iran, which fell to the Mongols in 654 AH/1256 CE., he appeared in Aleppo, and, by theĀ very beginning of the 12th century CE, managed to find a protector in the cityāsĀ SaljuqĀ ruler,Ģż Ridwan. Aleppo, in northern Syria, proved to be a hospitable environment. It had anĀ important Shiāi population and an existing link with Ismailis. They were thus able, under theĀ protection of the ruler, to establish themselves in Aleppo from where they could buildĀ linkages with other Ismaili communities.
In due course, the Ismailis tried to extend their influence, with the support of the ruler ofĀ Aleppo, to adjoining areas and soon came in conflict with the invadingĀ CrusadersĀ who hadĀ designs of their own for acquiring certain fortifications in the region. In the ensuing conflict,Ģż several Ismaili leaders and others were killed. This was probably the first encounter betweenĀ theĀ NizarisĀ and theĀ CrusadersĀ in Syria. In 1110 CE, the Ismailis also lost Kafarlatha to theĀ Ā CrusadersA term applied to Christian invaders who carried out numerous campaigns to capture Jerusalem and Palestine from the Muslims in the 11th and 14th centuries CE., a lesser locality in the Jabal al-Summaq, which had come into their possessionĀ sometime earlier.
Following the death of Ridwan in 1113 CE, the Ismaili fortunes began to be reversed inĀ Aleppo, since Ridwanās young son and successor Alp Arslan adopted a more hostile stanceĀ towards them. Many Ismailis were killed in ensuing conflicts. Some two hundred Ismailis ofĀ Aleppo were also massacred or imprisoned and their properties were confiscated. Many,Ģż however, managed to escape to different areas, some even finding refuge in FrankishĀ territory. While unsuccessful in retaining a base in this region, many positive contacts hadĀ been made with the local population who was generally supportive and sympathetic to theĀ Ismaili presence.
During the second period of their initial efforts to establish themselves, the Syrian IsmailisĀ concentrated their activities in southern Syria. In 1124 CE the new ruler of Aleppo, arrestedĀ the local leader of the Ismailis and ordered the expulsion of the Ismailis who sold theirĀ properties and departed from the city. The Ismaili centre of activities now shifted toĀ Damascus and other localities nearby. There, the Ismailis supported the local communitiesĀ against threats from theĀ Crusaders, joining them in defending the major centres. The TurkishĀ Ā ²¹³Ł²¹²ś±š²µĢż(regent) of Damascus received Bahram, the Ismaili leader, with honour and gave himĀ official protection, further enhancing the position of the community there. At the same time,Ģż Bahram found an influential and reliable ally in the rulerāsĀ vizierA high officer of state, equivalent of a chief minister., Abu Ali Tahir b. Sad al Mazdaqani. Bahram requested that the community be given a fortress from which to defendĀ themselves, and in 1126 CE Tughtigin, the ruler, ceded the fortress of Baniyas, on the borderĀ with the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, which was then menaced by a Crusader army. EnjoyingĀ the continued support of al-Mazdaqani, Bahram was also given a building in DamascusĀ which he used as local headquarters. Henceforth, Bahram further fortified Baniyas,Ģż developing residential facilities for himself and other Ismailis.
In 1129 CE, the governor of Damascus turned on the community against the Ismailis and aĀ massacre followed. His militia destroyed Ismaili homes and fortifications; those whoĀ survived the onslaught were forced to flee. The fortress in Baniyas was surrendered to theĀ Franks, who were simultaneously advancing on Damascus. This ended a turbulent period inĀ the attempts of the Ismailis of Syria to find a base for themselves in a very divided regionĀ beset by internal rivalries and external threats.
The surviving Ismailis concentrated their efforts on acquiring a network of safe strongholds.Ā They directed their attention to the Jabal al-Bahra, a mountainous region between Hama andĀ the coastline southwest of the Jabal al-Summaq, which was inhabited by Nusayris andĀ possessed a number of suitable castles. Few details are known about the SyrianĀ NizarisĀ andĀ theirĀ »å²¹āis during this period, when they transferred their activities out of the cities, but itĀ seems that they were able to recover swiftly from their setback in Damascus.
After reorganising under the leadership of Abuāl-Fath, they established themselves in theĀ Jabal Bahra, where theĀ CrusadersĀ had failed to gain permanent strongholds. In 1132-33 CE,Ģż theĀ NizarisĀ came into possession of their first fortress in the Jabal Bahra by purchasingĀ Qadmus from the local warlord of Kahf, Sayf al-Mulk b. āAmrun who, with the assistance ofĀ the Nusayris, had recovered the place from the Franks the previous year. From Qadmus,Ģż which became one of their major centres and often served as the residence of their leader, theĀ Syrian Ismailis extended their presence in the region. Shortly afterwards, they acquired KahfĀ and were also able to drive out the Frankish occupants of the fortress of Khariba.
In 1140-41 CE, theĀ NizarisĀ were able to control Masyaf, their most important stronghold inĀ Syria. Masyaf, situated about forty kilometres to the west of Hama, subsequently served asĀ headquarters of the Ismaili leadership in Syria. They also captured several other fortresses inĀ the Jabal Bahra, including Khawabi, Rusafa, Maniqa and Qulayāa, which became collectivelyĀ designated as theĀ qilaā al-»å²¹āw²¹Ā or the fortresses of theĀ »å²¹āw²¹. The famous CrusaderĀ chronicler William of Tyre, writing a few decades later, puts the number of these castles atĀ ten and the Ismaili population of the region at 60,000.
The Ismaili Strongholds in Syria and Iran
Indeed, in less than twenty years after their misfortunes in Damascus, the Syrian Ismailis hadĀ succeeded in establishing a network of mountain fortresses and consolidating their positionĀ despite the hostility of the local rulers and the threats posed by theĀ Crusaders, who wereĀ active in the adjacent areas belonging to the Latin states of Antioch and Tripoli. As in Iran,Ģż however, they remained a local power controlling a particular territory and enjoying for someĀ time an independent status.
Life inside the castle would have been spartan and uncomfortable at the best of times. InĀ winter the temperatures are always icy, with freezing gales blowing down from the snowyĀ peaks surrounding the valley. In spite of the altitude, the summer months are hot and dusty,Ģż requiring the greatest vigilance for attacking forces. The castle itself would have been theĀ centre of continuous activity in all seasons. The water channels and cisterns had to be keptĀ clean, the armourers were busy forging new weapons, the carpenters and masons constructingĀ or maintaining mangonels, or repairing and enlarging the defences. The cooks were busy inĀ the kitchens, replenishing the food stores and keeping them in good order. Study, learningĀ and discussion filled the day for many, especially for those who aspired to becomeĀ »å²¹āis.
Our account of life in the castles of Iran and Syria is based on historical data andĀ archaeological evidence. The same pattern is likely to have been replicated in all the greatĀ fortresses of the Ismailis, such as Maymundiz, Girdkuh and Qain in Iran and Masyaf andĀ other Syrian castles, too. Time was spent in general maintenance and defensive work. MuchĀ of the mythology surrounding the castles and the Ismailis is based largely on the highly unreliable account of the Venetian traveller Marco Polo, which became accepted by many asĀ fact until disproved by modern scholarship.
Marco Polo recounts during his journey to the court of the Mongol ruler Kublai Khan in theĀ years 1271-1290 CE that while passing through northeast Iran, he heard from local peopleĀ about the āOld Man of the Mountainā and his fanatical band of devotees who lived in aĀ remote valley hidden in the mountains. The āOld Manā was said to have built a garden inĀ which there was a palace where young men were seduced by drugs and wine into believingĀ that they were in Paradise as a reward for their acts of assassination.
The fictional nature of Marco Poloās account was long suspected by scholars, and itsĀ absurdities have been exposed more recently by various scholarly accounts. The very nameĀ āOld Man of the Mountainā was never used in the Persian sources for Hasan-i Sabbah, butĀ applied in fact to RashidĀ al-DinĀ Sinan of Syria. The persistent legend that the IsmailiĀ “Ś¾±»å²¹āisĀ were drugged and received a foretaste of Paradise before being sent out on their mission isĀ clearly as absurd as it is fantastical. There is no contemporary Muslim evidence that this wasĀ so.
We know further that when the historian Juwayni inspectedĀ AlamutĀ after its surrender to theĀ Mongols in 1256 CE, he was greatly impressed by its library, water-cisterns and storageĀ facilities, but he makes no mention of any delectable secret garden or sumptuous palaceĀ inside or outside the castle. It is unfortunate that Juwayni himself, after having examined theĀ original Ismaili documents and finding them full of āheresy and errorā cast them into theĀ flames. The distortion of Ismaili history was thus often based on sheer invention andĀ fabrication.
The leadership of the Ismailis in Syria now came to be assumed by their most famous leaderĀ RashidĀ al-DinĀ Sinan. One of the prominent figures in Ismaili history, Sinan b. Salman (orĀ Sulayman) b. Muhammad Abuāl-Hasan al-Basri, known also as RashidĀ al-Din, was born intoĀ a Shiāi family in āAqr al-Sudan, a village near Basra on the road to Wasit. Sinan was broughtĀ up in Basra, where he became a schoolmaster and adopted Ismailism. Subsequently he wentĀ toĀ AlamutĀ and studied under the futureĀ Imam, Hasan II. During his stay atĀ Alamut, SinanĀ studied philosophy and in particular the well-known works of the Fatimid and Nizari periodsĀ as well as benefiting from the library and other intellectual resources inĀ Alamut. Soon afterĀ his accession to power in 1162 CE,ĢżImamĀ Hasan II sent Sinan to Syria. Initially, SinanĀ remained at Kahf, one of the major Nizari fortresses in the Jabal Bahra, making himselfĀ extremely popular with the localĀ NizarisAdherents of a branch of the Ismailis who gave allegiance to Nizar, the eldest son of the Fatimid Imam-caliph al-Mustansir (d. 1094) as his successor., untilĀ ShaykhĀ Abu Muhammad, the head of theĀ Syrian NizariĀ »å²¹āw²¹Ā died in the mountains. Soon afterwards, Sinan assumed the leadership ofĀ the SyrianĀ »å²¹āw²¹Ā on the instructions of theĀ Imam.
Once established, Sinan began to consolidate the position of his community while buildingĀ relations with neighbouring rulers as well as theĀ CrusadersĀ who constituted, by theirĀ presence, a general threat to all. He rebuilt the fortresses of Rusafa and Khawabi, fortifiedĀ and constructed other strongholds, and captured the fortress of Ullayqa, near the FrankishĀ castle of Marqab held by the Hospitallers. At the same time, while moving among the variousĀ Nizari castles, especially Masyaf, Kahf and Qadmus, Sinan rapidly reorganised the NizariĀ community.
Externally, Sinan aimed to protect the Ismailis from various potential threats and to balanceĀ the various interests in the region. Clearly theĀ AyyubidsĀ under SalahĀ al-DinĀ represented aĀ stronger threat than theĀ CrusadersĀ at this time. Recognising existent realities, Sinan adoptedĀ suitable policies in his dealings with the outside world; policies which were revised whenĀ needed to reassure the safety and independence of his community. As a result, from early on,Ģż Sinan established peaceful relations with theĀ Crusaders, who had been sporadically fightingĀ theĀ NizarisĀ for several decades over the possession of various strongholds.
Meanwhile, theĀ NizarisĀ had acquired a new Frankish enemy in the Hospitallers, who in 1142Ā CE had received from the lord of Tripoli the celebrated fortress of Crac des Chevaliers (HisnĀ al-Akrad) at the southern end of the Jabal Bahra. TheĀ NizarisĀ continued to have minorĀ entanglements with the Hospitaller and Templar military orders, which owed their allegianceĀ directly to the Pope and often acted independently. Subsequently, around 1173 CE, SinanĀ sent an embassy to King Amalric I, seeking a formal rapprochement with the kingdom ofĀ Jerusalem. The negotiations were evidently proceeding successfully. But the TemplarsĀ disapproved of this Nizari embassy, and on their return journey Sinanās emissaries wereĀ ambushed and killed by a Templar knight. Amalric took punitive measures against theĀ Templars, but as he himself died soon afterwards in 1174 CE, the negotiations betweenĀ Sinan, known to theĀ CrusadersĀ as the āOld Man of the Mountainā, and the Franks ofĀ Jerusalem proved fruitless.
When Sinan assumed power,ĢżNurĀ al-Din, the Zengid ruler of Syria, was preoccupied with hisĀ policies against theĀ CrusadersĀ and the later Fatimid caliphs who were recognised as ImamsĀ only by the Mustaāli Ismailis. Nevertheless, relations between Sinan andĀ NurĀ al-DinĀ remainedĀ relatively tense, due to the activities of the Ismailis in northern Syria. ButĀ NurĀ al-Din, whoĀ finally succeeded through SalahĀ al-DinĀ in overthrowing theĀ FatimidsĀ in 1171 AH, did notĀ attack the Ismailis, though it is reported that he was planning a major expedition against themĀ just before his death. The death ofĀ NurĀ al-DinĀ in 1174 CE, the same year in which Amalric IĀ died, finally gave SalahĀ al-DinĀ his opportunity to act as the champion of the Muslims and theĀ leader of the holy war against theĀ Crusaders. As the strongest of the Muslim rulers in theĀ area, SalahĀ al-DinĀ strove towards incorporating Egypt, Syria and Iraq into his nascentĀ Ayyubid empire. As a result, he targeted the Ismailis of Syria, as well as the rulers of AleppoĀ and Mawasil. SalahĀ al-DinĀ entered Damascus in 1174 CE and in the following year invadedĀ the Ismaili territory besieging Masyaf. The siege was brief and following mediation by aĀ local governor, SalahĀ al-DinĀ concluded a truce with Sinan and withdrew his forces from theĀ area. Henceforth, hostilities ceased between the two men, who had come to an agreement onĀ peaceful co-existence.
RashidĀ al-DinĀ Sinan died in 1193 CE in the castle of Kahf. In the course of some thirty years,Ģż Sinan had led the SyrianĀ NizarisĀ to a position of power and influence. The ablest of theirĀ chiefs, he gave the SyrianĀ NizarisĀ an independent identity; with their own sphere of influence,Ģż a network of strongholds and a strong organisation. His shrewd strategies and appropriateĀ alliances with the Zangids, theĀ Crusaders, and SalahĀ al-Din, served to ensure theĀ independence of the Ismailis of Syria in difficult times.
The inscriptions at Masyaf, Kahf and other strongholds, and from a few Syrian literaryĀ sources indicate continuity after Sinanās death. The Ismailis were led by several ableĀ individuals until 1258 CE, in consultation with the Imams inĀ Alamut. Like the NizariĀ community in Quhistan, in eastern Persia, the SyrianĀ NizarisĀ continued during this period to exercise a certain degree of local initiative in dealings with their Muslim and FrankishĀ neighbours. The Syrian Ismailis had, on the whole, maintained peaceful relations with SalahĀ al-Dinās Ayyubid successors in Syria. But occasional conflict continued in their dealings withĀ the Franks, who still held the Syrian coast.
There were over 60 castles and forts in theĀ AlamutĀ valley and in Rudbar, about 80 inĀ Ā KhurasanThe northeastern region of early Islamic Persia, immediately south of Transoxania and west of Badakhshan. More, and some 50 in other parts of Iran. In Syria, the Ismailis held 60 castles of variousĀ sizes in the Jabal Bahra between Aleppo and Damascus. Thus in Iran and Syria there wereĀ some 250 fortifications, illustrating the extent and organisation of the Ismailis. All the majorĀ fortresses were well-built and provided for, with cisterns of water fed by springs or rain waterĀ and well-supplied with provisions, stored in huge underground chambers. Their libraries, too,Ģż were renowned and the objects of much envy.
āThere can be no doubtā, says Peter Willey, āabout the efficiency of the IsmailiĀ administration. This is reflected most impressively in the immense logistical tasks involved inĀ the construction and maintenance of more then 200 castles scattered over vast distances. TheĀ construction of new castles required, first of all, detailed survey work and planning of a highĀ order. The execution of the project must have been carried out by a group of supervisors inĀ charge of quarrying the required stonework, and its transportation to the castle site. UnderĀ their command would be teams of masons, builders, water engineers, plasterers and otherĀ skilled workers. The huge amounts of stone required for keeping the castles and garrisons inĀ good repair for many months and even years demanded what we would call today aĀ quartermaster general and his staff of the highest quality. Finally, the continuous constructionĀ and strengthening of these castles would not have been possible without a large andĀ permanent labour force, moving from one site to another as required. We have no informationĀ on the composition of these workers, although a good portion of them are certain to haveĀ been Ismailis recruited and trained locally.āĀ 2
Between Crusaders and Mongol Invasions
In the previous section, reference has already been made to the relations between Sinan andĀ the Crusader kingdoms in the Holy Land. Other historic contacts need to be mentioned here.Ā In 1227 CE, Frederick II (1212-1250 CE), the Emperor of Germany who went to the HolyĀ Land on his own Crusade, sent envoys to MajdĀ al-Din, the Syrian Ismaili leader. However,Ģż around the same time, the Hospitallers who had been highly displeased with the dealingsĀ between the Ismailis and Frederick II, demanded a tribute from the Ismailis. The IsmailisĀ refused, announcing the fact that indeed they themselves were recipients of gifts andĀ payments from Frankish emperors and kings.
The last important event in the history of the Ismaili community of this medieval periodĀ relates to the dealings between them and Louis IX, better known as St Louis, the French kingĀ who led the Seventh Crusade. These dealings, recorded by Jean de Joinville, the kingāsĀ biographer and secretary, occurred soon after the arrival of St Louis in āAkka (Acre) in MayĀ 1250 AH. At the time, they were most probably still under the leadership of TajĀ al-DinĀ Abul Futuh, whose name is mentioned in an inscription at Masyaf dated February-March 1249 CE.Ā At any rate, Ismaili emissaries came to the French king and asked him either to pay tribute orĀ at least release them from the tribute which they themselves paid to the Templars and theĀ Hospitallers. On the intervention of Reginald of Vichiers and William of Chateauneuf, theĀ Grand Masters of the Temple and the Hospital, the negotiations between the Ismailis and St Louis did not lead to any results. St Louis, himself more interested in establishing friendlyĀ relations with the Mongols, did not pay any tribute to them. But the French king and theĀ Syrian Ismaili leadership exchanged gifts. It was in the course of these embassies that theĀ Arabic-speaking friar Yves le Breton met with Ismaili scholars and discussed religiousĀ doctrines in Masyaf.
The Mongol onslaught on the Muslim world and in particular on the Ismaili state in Iran mustĀ have disheartened the Syrian community, who could no longer count on the support andĀ leadership ofĀ AlamutĀ and the personal guidance of the NizariĀ ImamĀ after the destruction ofĀ Ā AlamutĀ in 1256 CE. Considerably weakened, the Syrian Ismailis eventually submitted to al Malik al-Zahir RuknĀ al-DinĀ Baybars I (1260-1277 CE), the Bahri Mamluk Sultan of Egypt,Ģż who soon extended his hegemony over Syria and its different principalities.
Meanwhile, having destroyed the Ismaili state of Iran, Hulagu, the Mongol conqueror hadĀ proceeded towards his second major objective, the extinction of the AbbasidĀ caliphate. ByĀ February 1258 CE, the Mongols seized Baghdad and devastated the ancient capital of the
AbbasidsĀ for a whole week. TheĀ CaliphĀ al-Mustasim, who had endeavoured in vain toĀ prevent the Mongol cataclysm, was put to death on Hulaguās orders. Hulaguās third campaignĀ was directed against the Ayyubid states in Syria. In 1260 CE, the Mongols seized Aleppo,Ģż and soon afterwards Hama and Damascus surrendered to the Mongols. In March 1260 CE,Ģż Ket-Buqa, who had been in charge of the advance operations of the Mongols in Syria, madeĀ his triumphal entry into Damascus. It was during the same year, 1260 CE, that four of theĀ Nizari fortresses, including Masyaf, were surrendered to the Mongols by their governors. TheĀ Mongol success in Syria was, however, short-lived. Hulagu returned to Iran in the summerĀ upon hearing the news of the Great Khan Mongkeās death, which in fact had occurred a yearĀ earlier in 1259 CE, leaving Ket-Buqa in command of his reduced forces in Syria. In 1260 CE,Ģż the Mongols suffered a drastic defeat at Ayn Jalut, in Palestine, at the hands of the MamlukĀ armies of Egypt, led by Sultan al-Muzaffar Qutuz (1259-1260 CE).
The vanguard of the Mamluk forces was commanded by Baybars, who succeeded Qutuz toĀ the MamlukĀ sultanateĀ and thwarted the Mongols in their subsequent attempts to establishĀ themselves in the region. Soon, the Mongols were expelled from all of Syria, where BaybarsĀ rapidly emerged as the dominant power. The Ismailis were now faced with the challenge ofĀ developing relations with the Mamluks and other Muslim rulers whom they joined inĀ repelling the Mongols from Syria. They also recovered the four fortresses which they hadĀ earlier lost.
Epilogue: The Ismaili Community under the Mamluks
The Ismailis attempted to consolidate their relations with Baybars by sending him embassiesĀ and gifts. Baybars, who was then preoccupied with the Mongols and the Franks, reciprocatedĀ by granting certain favours to the community. Nonetheless, from early on BaybarsĀ systematically adopted measures which ultimately led to the loss of the independence of theĀ Ismaili community. They eventually granted rights to Ismaili territories to al-Malik al-MansurĀ (1244-1285 CE), the Ayyubid prince of Hama. The Ismailis however retained possession ofĀ eight permanent strongholds, Masyaf, Qadmus, Kahf, Khawabi, Rusafa, Maniqa (Maynaqa),Ģż Ullayqa and Qulayāa.
Increasingly, Baybars compelled the Ismailis to adhere to a practice of paying them tributesĀ and ensuring that they acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mamluk state. Around 1270 CE,Ģż Baybars demanded possession of Masyaf, which was to be entrusted to one of his own amirs,Ģż IzzĀ al-DinĀ al-Adimi. SarimĀ al-Din, who was to hold the Nizari castles as the deputy ofĀ Baybars, proceeded to take charge of them. But SarimĀ al-Din, too, angered the sultan byĀ attempting through trickery to take possession of Masyaf, in violation of the sultanāsĀ instructions. Once inside, he put to death a large number of the residents of Masyaf, who,Ģż abiding by the sultanās orders, had refused to yield the castle to him. On Baybarsā request, al Malik al-Mansur, the ruler of Hama, dislodged the rebellious SarimĀ al-DinĀ from Masyaf andĀ sent him as a prisoner to Cairo, where he later died.
By February 1271 CE, Baybars had decided to deal more assertively with the Ismailis. TheirĀ leaders were arrested and forced to surrender control of the fortresses to the Mamluks(1250-1517 CE), the word Mamluk is derived from Arabic, and literally means āownedā or āpossessedā. The Mamluks were slave soldiers, mostly of Turkish origin, who served under various Muslim dynasties…. TheĀ Ismaili castles now began to submit in rapid succession to Baybars, who used militaryĀ blockades, threats and negotiations in dealing with the Ismailis. Ullayqa and RusafaĀ surrendered in May 1271 CE, and by May 1273, Khawabi, Qulayāa, Maniqa and Qadmus hadĀ also capitulated. The residents of Kahf mustered some resistance, and with the fall of thatĀ fortress in July 1273 CE the last independent Nizari outpost in Syria fell into the hands of theĀ Mamluks, less than three years after Girdkuh, the last stronghold in Iran had surrendered toĀ the Mongols.
The Ismailis were permitted to remain in their fortresses in the Jabal Bahra, but only underĀ the strict supervision of Mamluk lieutenants. Amongst the later medieval sources speaking ofĀ the SyrianĀ Nizaris, an elaborate account is related by the celebrated Moorish traveller lbnĀ Battuta, who passed through Syria for the first time in his travels in 1326 CE. He namesĀ Maniqa, Ullayqa, Qadmus, Kahf and Masyaf as the fortresses which were still in the hands ofĀ the Ismailis, and then proceeds to give interesting details on the arrangements existingĀ between them and the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir NasirĀ al-DinĀ Muhammad, who reignedĀ intermittently between 1294 CE and 1340 CE. The Syrian Ismailis thus lived at the time asĀ loyal subjects of the Mamluks and after them, the Ottoman Empireās representatives in Syria.
In the midst of fluctuating political fortunes, the Ismailis of Syria as elsewhere, sought toĀ maintain, as far as was possible, an active and vibrant intellectual and cultural life. As the lateĀ Marshall Hodgson observed: āThe Ismaili society was not a typical mountaineer and small town society (…) Each community maintained its own sense of initiative in the framework ofĀ the wider cause, and probably a sense of large strategy was never completely absent (…) butĀ what was most distinctive was the high level of intellectual life. The prominent early IsmailisĀ were commonly known as scholars, often as astronomers, and at least some later IsmailisĀ continued the tradition. InĀ Alamut, in Kuhistan, and in Syria, at the main centres at least,Ģż were libraries (…) which were well known among Sunni scholars. To the end the IsmailisĀ prized sophisticated interpretations of their own doctrines, and were also interested in everyĀ kind of knowledge which the age could offer.ā3
- Nasir-i Khusraw,Ģż³§²¹“Ś²¹°ł-²Ō²¹³¾±šĢż[āBooks of Travelsā], N.W. Pur, Tehran 1972
- ±Ź.°Ā¾±±ō±ō±š²ā,ĢżEagleās Nest: Ismaili Castles in Iran and Syria, London 2005
- M.G.S. Hodgson,ĢżThe Order of Assassins, The Hague 1955
Author
Professor Azim Nanji
Azim Nanji is currently Special Advisor to the Provost of theĀ , and a member of the Board of Directors of theĀ Ā in Ottawa, a joint partnership between His Highness the Aga KhanA title granted by the Shah of Persia to the then Ismaili Imam in 1818 and inherited by each of his successors to the Imamate. and the Government of Canada. He has held many prestigious academic and administrative appointments, most recently as Senior Associate Director of the Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies atĀ , where he was also lecturer in the Department of Religious Studies. From 1998 to 2008, Professor Nanji served as Director of the Institute of Ismaili Studies in London.
Professor Nanji has published numerous books and articles on religion, Islam and Ismailism, including:Ā The Nizari Ismaili TraditionĢż(1976),ĢżThe Muslim AlmanacĢż(1996),ĢżMapping Islamic StudiesĀ (1997) andĀ The Historical Atlas of IslamĀ (with M. Ruthven) (2004) andĀ The Dictionary of IslamĀ (with Razia Nanji), Penguin 2008. In addition, he has contributed numerous shorter studies and articles in journals and collective volumes includingĀ The Encyclopaedia of Islam,ĢżEncyclopaedia Iranica,ĢżOxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, andĀ A Companion to Ethics. He was the Associate Editor for the revised Second Edition ofĀ The Encyclopaedia of Religion.
Within theĀ , he has served as a member of the task force for theĀ Ā (AKU-ISMC) and Vice Chair of the Madrasa-based Early Childhood Education Programme in East Africa. He served as a member of the Steering Committee of the Aga Khan Award for Architecture in 1998, 2001 and 2016.āā
Dr Farhad Daftary
Co-Director and Head of the Department of Academic Research and Publications
An authority in Shi’i studies, with special reference to its Ismaili tradition, Dr. Daftary has published and lectured widely in these fields of Islamic studies. In 2011 a Festschrift entitledĀ Fortresses of the IntellectĀ was produced to honour Dr. Daftary by a number of his colleagues and peers.
Berchem, Max van. āEpigraphie des Assassins de Syrieā,ĢżJournal Asiatique, 9 sĆ©rie, 9Ā (1897), pp. 453-501; reprinted in hisĀ Opera Minora. Geneva, 1978, vol. 1, pp. 453-501.
Bianquis, Thierry.Ā Damas et la Syrie sous la domination Fatimide,Ģż359-468/969-1076.Ā Damascus, 1986-89. 2 vols.
Canard, Marius. āFatimidsā, inĀ The Encyclopaedia of IslamĀ (revised ed.), vol. 2, pp.850-862.Ā Daftary, Farhad.Ā The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines.Ā Cambridge, 1990.Ā Daftary, Farhad.Ā The Assassin Legends: Myths of the Ismailis. London, 1994.
Daftary, Farhad. āThe Ismailis and the Crusaders: History and Mythā, in Z.Hunyadi and J.Ā Laszlovszky, ed.Ā TheĀ CrusadersĀ and the Military Orders.Ā Budapest, 2001, pp. 21-41;Ā reprinted in his Ismailis in Medieval Muslim Societies. London, 2005, pp. 149-170.
Daftary, Farhad. āRashidĀ al-DinĀ Sinanā, inĀ The Encyclopaedia of IslamĀ (revised ed.), vol. 8,Ģż pp. 442-443.
Daftary, F. and J.H. Kramers. āSalamiyyaA city in central Syria, which was the residence of several early Ismaili imams in the pre-Fatimid period.ā, inĀ The Encyclopaedia of IslamĀ (revised ed.), vol.Ā 8, pp. 921-923.
Ghalib, Mustafa.Ā The Ismailis of Syria. Beirut, 1970.
Halm, Heinz. āLes Fatimides Ć Salamyaā,ĢżRevue des Etudes Islamiques, 54 (1986), pp. 133- 149.
Hodgson, Marshall G.S. āThe Ismaili Stateā inĀ The Cambridge History of Iran:Ā Volume 5,ĢżĀ TheĀ SaljuqĀ and Mongol Periods, ed. J.A. Boyle, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 422-482.
Ibn al-Athir, āIzzĀ al-DinĀ Ali.Ā al-Kamil fiāl-tarikh, ed. C.J. Tornberg. Leiden, 1851-76. 12 vols.
Ibn al-āAdim, KamalĀ al-Din.Ā Zubdat al-halab min tarikh Halab, ed. S. Dahan. Damascus,Ģż 1951-68. 3 vols.
Ibn Muyassar, TajĀ al-DinĀ Muhammad.Ā Akhbar Misr, ed. A.F.Ā Sayyid(pl. sÄda/asyÄd) Arabic term for ālordā or āmasterā. It is a pre-Islamic term and refers to a person who possesses dignity or enjoys an exalted position among his people. Amongst…. Cairo, 1981.Ā Ibn al-Qalanisi, Hamza b. Asad.Ā Dhayl tarikh Dimashq, ed. S. Z’Akkar. Damascus, 1983.
Joinville, Jean de.Ā Memoirs of John Lord de Joinville, tr. Thomas Johnes. Hafod, 1807. 2Ā vols.
Lewis, Bernard. āKamal al-Dinās Biography of RasidĀ al-DinĀ Sinanā,ĢżArabica, 13 (1966), pp.Ā 225-267; reprinted in hisĀ Studies in Classical and Ottoman Islam.Ā London, 1976, article X.
Lewis, Bernard.Ā The Assassins. London, 1967.
Mirza, Nasseh.Ā Syrian Ismailism. Richmond, Surrey, 1997.
Nanji, Azim. āAssassinsā in theĀ Encyclopaedia of Religion, vol. 1, pp. 469-471.
Nasir-i Khursraw.Ā Book of Travels (Safarnama), ed. and tr. W. M. Thackston Jr. Costa Mesa,Ģż CA, 2001.
Nasr, S. Hossein. ed.Ā Ismaili Contributions to Islamic Culture. Tehran, 1977.Ā Willey, Peter.Ā Eagleās Nest: The Ismaili Castles of Iran and Syria. London, 2005.
William of Tyre.Ā A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, tr. E.A. Babcock and A.C. Krey.Ā New York, 1943. 2 vols.
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