Abstract:Ā Seen from the vantage of the late twentieth century, relations between Muslims, Jews, and Christians look both better and worse than at any time in the past. In many parts of the world, Muslims are engaged in dialogue with Jews and Christians. Islam has become the fastest growing religion in the multiconfessional mix of (New World) religions, and Muslim leaders are now found alongside rabbis, priests, and ministers in many civic and religious organizations. Yet, at the same time, members of all three religions find themselves fighting one another in territorial and nationalistic wars that have taken on sectarian and religious overtones. In sorting out this mixed state of Muslim, Jewish, and Christian relations, it is important to keep in mind that all three religious groups point to the historical past to inform how they relate to the other groups. Interpretations of history, as well as sacred text and traditional doctrines, thus far have become the determining factors for how well or badly Muslims, Jews, and Christians interrelate. Throughout the article the author explains how understanding history and the ways history has been interpreted becomes, then, central in understanding the various claims made by the members of each religion.
Introduction
Relations among Muslims, Jews, and Christians have been shaped not only by the theologiesĀ and beliefs of the three religions, but also, and often more strongly, by the historicalĀ circumstances in which they are found. As a result, history has become a foundation f“ǰłĢż religious understanding. In each historical phase, the definition of who was regarded asĀ Muslim, Jewish, or Christian shifted, sometimes indicating only a religious identification, butĀ more often indicating a particular social, economic, or political group.
While the tendency to place linguistic behaviour, religious identity, and cultural heritageĀ under one, pure definition has existed for a very long time, our modern age with its ideologyĀ of nationalism is particularly prone to such a conflation. Ethnic identities have sometimesĀ been conflated with religious identities by both outsiders and insiders, complicating the taskĀ of analyzing intergroup and intercommunal relations. For example, Muslims have often beenĀ equated with Arabs, effacing the existence of Christian and Jewish Arabs (i.e., members ofĀ those religions whose language is Arabic and who participate primarily in Arab culture),Ā ignoring non-Arab Muslims who constitute the majority of Muslims in the world. In someĀ instances, relations between Arabs and Israelis have been understood as Muslim-JewishĀ relations, ascribing aspects of Arab culture to the religion of Islam and Israeli culture toĀ Judaism. This is similar to what happened during the Crusades, during which Christian ArabsĀ were often charged with being identical to Muslims by the invading Europeans. While theĀ cultures in which Islam predominates do not necessarily make sharp distinctions between theĀ religious and secular aspects of the culture, such distinctions make the task of understanding the nature of relations among Muslims, Jews, and Christians easier, and therefore will be usedĀ as an analytic tool in this chapter.
Another important tool for analyzing Muslim-Jewish-Christian relations is the placement ofĀ ideas and behaviours in specific temporal and geographic contexts. Visions of the past haveĀ had a strong influence on each of the religions, and none more strongly than Islam. ManyĀ Muslims have as keen an awareness of the events around the time of the Prophet as they doĀ their own time. It is important for a practicing Muslim to know what the Prophet did in hisĀ relations with Jews and Christians as a means of shaping their own behaviour toward them.Ā TheĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌĀ and theĀ ²õ³Ü²Ō²Ō²¹Ģżof the Prophet are key guides for a Muslim in dealing with JewsĀ and Christians, as they are in all areas of conduct. This same historical consciousness is alsoĀ present among Jews and Christians, as each group makes claims for positions and status inĀ Islamic societies. What is important to remember is that the historical interactions ofĀ Muslims, Jews, and Christians have resulted in each constituency being shaped, affected, andĀ transformed by the others, such that it is difficult to imagine how each religion would be as itĀ is without the presence and influence of the others.
The Foundational Period
When Prophet Muhammad was born in 570 CE , Arabia was deeply involved in the political,Ā religious, and economic rivalries between theĀ ByzantineĀ and Sassanian Persian empires.Ā Arabia was an important trade route for goods coming from the Far East and Africa and wasĀ strategically important for each empireās defence. Arabs were recruited into the armies ofĀ both sides, providing horse and camel cavalries, and each empire had maintained Arab clientĀ states as buffers and bases of operation. Around fifty years earlier, the last Jewish kingdom inĀ southern Arabia allied with the Persians and was defeated and replaced by a ChristianĀ Monophysite army from Abyssinia allied with Byzantium. According to early MuslimĀ historians, this army, led by a general named Abraha, tried to invade Mecca in the year ofĀ Muhammadās birth because the pagan Arabs had defiled one of the Christian churches inĀ southern Arabia. Abraha and his forces were, however, defeated. Because the AbyssiniansĀ used war elephants for their attempted invasion, many think that this is the elephant referredĀ to in theĀ ²õ³Ü°ł²¹Ģż³Ł¾±³Ł±ō±š»åĢż²¹±ō-¹ó¾±±ōĢżin the ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌMuslims believe that the Holy ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ō contains divine revelations to the Prophet Muhammed received in Mecca and Medina over a period of 23 years in the early 7th century CE. More: 105.
There were numerous Christian settlements throughout the southern and eastern parts ofĀ Arabia, but few in theĀ Hijaz(Arabic; lit. āthe barrierā). A region in the west of present-day Saudi Arabia along the Red Sea which includes some of the holiest sites and cities for all Muslims ā…, the area of Muhammadās birth. TheĀ HijazĀ had numerous JewishĀ settlements, most of long standing, dating to at least the time of the destruction of the SecondĀ Temple in 70 CE. According to some scholars, the earliest Jewish presence in theĀ HijazĀ was atĀ the time of Nabonidus, about 550 CE. The Jews in these settlements were merchants, farmers,Ā vintners, smiths, and, in the desert, members ofĀ BedouinĀ tribes. The most important Jewish dominated city was Yathrib, known later as Medina, which featured prominently inĀ Muhammadās career. The Jews of theĀ HijazĀ seem to have been mostly independent, but weĀ find evidence of their being allied with both Byzantium and the Persians. Some made theĀ claim to be ākingsā of theĀ Hijaz, most probably meaning tax collectors for the Persians, and,Ā for a variety of reasons, more Jews were loyal to Persian interests against those of theĀ Ā ByzantineĀ Empire. Jews, as well as Christians, seem to have been engaged in attempting toĀ convert the Arabian population to their religious and political views, often with some success.Ā The loyalties of the Jews and Christians to one or the other of the two empires meant that Arab sources report that, at the time of Muhammadās birth, some Meccans had abandonedĀ Arabian polytheism and had chosen monotheism. In Arabic these individuals were referred toĀ asĀ ³ó²¹²Ō¾±“ŚĢżin a Jewish, Christian, or non-sectarian form. From ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ōic and other evidence, it isĀ clear that Meccans were conversant with the general principles of Judaism and ChristianityĀ and knew many details of worship, practice, and belief. During Muhammadās formative andĀ early adult years, the character of his birth city, Mecca, was very cosmopolitan.
When Muhammad had his first revelation in 610 CE, his wife Khadija sought the advice ofĀ her cousin, Waraqa ibn Nawfal, aĀ hanif, learned in Jewish and Christian scriptures.Ā Muhammad eventually declared that he was a continuation of the prophetic traditions ofĀ Judaism and Christianity, claiming that he had been foretold in Jewish and Christian scripture.Ā A central doctrine of Islam places Muhammad at the end of a chain of prophets from God,Ā starting with Adam and embracing the major prophetic figures of Judaism and Christianity,Ā including Abraham, Moses, and Jesus. Denial of this central idea by Jews and Christians isĀ said to be a result of the corruption of the sacred texts, either inadvertently or on purpose.Ā This disparity of perspective underlies much of what Muslims believe about their Jewish andĀ Christian forebears, and conditions Islamic triumphalist views about the validity of IslamĀ against the partial falsity of the other two traditions.
TheĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌĀ and theĀ ³§¾±°ł²¹Ģż(the traditional biography of Prophet Muhammad) presentĀ ambivalent attitudes toward Jews and Christians, reflecting the varied experience ofĀ Muhammad and the early Muslim community with Jews and Christians in Arabia. ChristiansĀ are said to be nearest to Muslims in āloveā (²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ō 5:82), and yet Muslims are not to takeĀ Jews or Christians as āclose allies or leadersā (²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ō 5:51). TheĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌĀ often makes aĀ distinction between the āChildren of Israelā (i.e., Jews mentioned in the Bible) and membersĀ of the Jewish tribes in Arabia during Muhammadās time. This distinction is also present in theĀ Ā ³§¾±°ł²¹Ģżand other histories. Some Jews are represented as hostile to Muhammad and his mission,Ā while others become allies with him. The ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ōic revelations that Muhammad received inĀ regard to Christians and Jews seemed to correspond to the degree of acceptance that he wasĀ awarded by these two communities. Initially, Muhammad sought their acceptance, but whenĀ the leaders of the Christian and Jewish communities rejected him as a false prophet, heĀ received revelations that commanded him to distance himself from them. In the āConstitutionĀ of Medina,ā which Muhammad negotiated with theĀ Ansar, the Muhajjirun, and the Jews ofĀ Medina, Jews were included in theĀ Umma, the community, and were allowed freedom ofĀ association and religion in return for the payment of an annual tax. This agreement and theĀ subsequent treaties negotiated by Muhammad with the Jews of Tayma, and other cities in theĀ Ā Hijaz, establish the precedent of symbolically including āPeople of ScriptureāĀ (Ahl al-Kitab)Ā Ā in theĀ ±«³¾³¾²¹.ĢżAs the armies of conquest encountered communities of Jews, Christians, andĀ Zoroastrians, the model of Muhammadās accommodating behaviour extended the originalĀ notion to incorporate all these recipients of Godās revelation asĀ Ahl al-Dhimma,Ā “ǰłĢż¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±,ĢżĢżprotected peoples. There were fewer Christians in theĀ HijazĀ than Jews, so Christians areĀ featured less prominently in the political history of the establishment of the MuslimĀ community. Nevertheless, Muhammad had frequent contact with Christians from the southernĀ areas of Najran and Ethiopia, disputing with them as he had with the Jews over matters ofĀ religious belief and practice. The traditions surrounding the sending of the Muslims toĀ Ethiopia represent the ruler as seeing little difference between Islam and Christianity. TheĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ōic presentation of the life of Jesus and Christian belief shows that Muhammad and theĀ early Muslims understood eastern Mediterranean Christian belief and practice, particularly ifĀ one acknowledges the importance of the āinfancyāĀ GospelsĀ in Christian thought at the time.Ā TheĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ō, however, denies the deity of Christ.
The death of Muhammad and the subsequent expansion of Islam out of Arabia brought aboutĀ a definitive break with the Jewish and Christian Arab communities, so that subsequentĀ relations were built on Jewish and Christian interactions with Muslims who knew theĀ Prophetās actions only as idealized history. During the first Islamic century, the period of theĀ most rapid expansion of Islam, social and religious structures were so fluid that it is hard toĀ make generalisations. Jews and Christians were theoretically expelled from Arabia, or, atĀ least, theĀ Hijaz, but later evidence shows that Jews and Christians remained for centuriesĀ afterward. As late as the eighteenth century, for example, Jewish Bedouins roamed northĀ western Arabia, and Christian Arabs were found in numerous settlements throughout Arabia.
The Early Centuries of Muslim History
The period of the first caliphs and the subsequent era of theĀ UmayyadsĀ was a time in whichĀ Muslims, Jews, and Christians negotiated the new power arrangements. The parameters ofĀ Ā ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±Ģżstatus were developed, and both head and land taxes were paid to the Muslim caliphsĀ through representatives and not individually. For the Jews, the Resh Geluta or Exilarch wasĀ from the Rabbinic branch of Judaism, it became the dominant form, generally displacingĀ other groups. Also, because Muslims expanded to include most of the worldās Jews in theirĀ polity, Rabbinic Judaism was able to develop its institutions within the context of the IslamicĀ Ā Umma. For the newly forming Islamic state, the loyalty of the Exilarch, and, by extension, theĀ Jews, added legitimacy to Muslim claims to legitimate rule over its various non-MuslimĀ populations. The interaction between Jews and Muslims thus produced profound effects onĀ both Judaism and Islam.
Christians acted as physicians, architects, clerks, and advisors in the courts of the early caliphs. Greek and Coptic were the administrative languages for several centuries before Arabic became established enough to be the general medium of public discourse. Even the occasional uprisings against Muslim rule, as the Coptic uprisings of the early ninth century and the Jewish revolts against the Umayyads a century earlier, were local, over specific grievances, and not anti-Islamic as such. In fact, the Jewish revolt against the UmayyadsFirst major ruling Muslim dynasty that was based in Damascus (661-750)., driven, it seems, by messianic visions, was sympathetic to early Shia views and attempts to overthrow the last Umayyad caliphIn Arabic khalīfa, the head of the Muslim community. See caliphate..
The first two Islamic centuries was a time of translating Christian and Jewish scripture intoĀ Arabic, along with a vast body of commentary, particularly on biblical figures. ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌicĀ ³Ł²¹“ڲõ¾±°łĢżĢż(commentaries) became the repository of much Jewish and Christian tradition concerningĀ such figures as Abraham, Moses, Solomon, Jesus, and others. The beginnings of IslamicĀ theological speculation were stimulated by translations of Hellenistic thought from Aramaic,Ā Coptic, Greek, and Syriac. One of the effects of this trend was to produce tension betweenĀ those inclined toward greater cosmopolitanism of the intellectual and cultural heritage ofĀ Hellenism and those who felt that Islamic society should be centered only on theĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌĀ and traditions from Muhammad, presaging the debates about the inclusion or exclusion of outsideĀ ideas. The resulting balance between religious and scientific learning became such a part ofĀ Islamic societies that even in periods of political fragmentation, Jews and Christians con tributed along with Muslims to the intellectual and cultural life of the Islamic communities.
The Medieval Period
In the western Islamic lands of the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa, Jews, Christians, andĀ Muslims combined in a society that is often described by later historians with the adjectiveĀ āgolden.ā The areas of poetry, music, art, architecture, theology, exegesis, law, philosophy,Ā medicine, pharmacology, and mysticism were shared among all the inhabitants of the IslamicĀ courts and city-states at the same time that Muslim armies were locked in a losing struggleĀ with the Christian armies of theĀ Reconquista. In the eastern Mediterranean, similar symbioticĀ societies could be found. The universities ofĀ al-AzharĀ in Cairo and Cordoba in Spain, bothĀ founded in the tenth century, followed the older model of theĀ Bayt al-HikmaĀ in Baghdad, asĀ places of shared learning among scholars from the three traditions. Both the concept of theseĀ types of institutions of learning, as well as the learning itself they produced, had profoundĀ influence on European institutions of higher education and European scientific advancement.Ā Within the intellectual circles of the Islamic world, Jews contributed and participated in thisĀ civilization through contact with Muslim philosophers and theologians, just as Muslims hadĀ from contact with Christians earlier. In the areas of commerce, world trade was dominated byĀ trading associations made up of Muslims, Jews, and Christians from Islamic lands.
The twin attacks on the Islamic world in the Middle Ages by theĀ CrusadersĀ from the West andĀ the Mongols from the East transformed Muslim attitudes toward theĀ Dhimmi, and also theĀ attitudes of the Jews and Christians in Islamic lands toward their relations with Muslim polity.Ā Many Islamic areas develop in accordance with an already existing tendency to organizeĀ society along military lines. This becomes particularly true in areas where Turkic peoples takeĀ over the leading governmental and military roles. Converted by Sunni merchants andĀ organised as military brotherhoods imbued with the spirit of militaryĀ jihad, the Turks becameĀ the defenders of the Islamic lands. In their vision of society, the influence of Christians, Jews,Ā and non-Sunni Muslim groups was circumscribed and made more rigid, but it was notĀ eliminated. Muslim religious scholars used depictions of Jews and Christians found in theĀ foundation texts as cautionary models for Muslims, but actual communities of Jews andĀ Christians were treated with strict adherence to legal precedent. TheĀ ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±Ģżhad to wearĀ distinctive clothing and badges to indicate their position in society, as did Muslims, as part ofĀ a general āuniformā indicating rank and status. Certain occupations became common for JewsĀ and Christians, such as tanning, which was regarded as imparting ritual impurity to Muslims,Ā and it became less common in this period to find Jews and Christians in the highest ranks ofĀ advisors to the rulers. Jews and Christians usually lived in separate quarters of cities, and,Ā while they were inferior to Muslims in public and barred from riding horses or blocking theĀ public way with religious processions, they lived autonomously with respect to theirĀ communal affairs. This autonomy, while somewhat protective of individuals, was to prove toĀ have long-term consequences. Some Christian communities, caught in the middle of theĀ conflict during the Crusades, actively expressed their loyalty to Rome and Constantinople andĀ looked to theĀ CrusadersĀ as protectors of their interests. This association began a process ofĀ separation of some of these communities from the matrix of Muslim polity, and they becameĀ viewed as foreign by Muslims and themselves.
When Jews and Muslims were expelled from Spain in 1492 CE, the majority of Jews chose toĀ move to Islamic lands, the area of the Ottoman Empire in particular. The Iberian Jews were soĀ numerous, well educated, and prosperous, that Iberian Jewish culture often supplanted that of
the older Jewish communities, so that Sephardic became the general term for Jews living inĀ Islamic lands. The trading and manufacturing skills and the capital of these immigrants to theĀ Ottoman Empire provided much of the wealth for Ottoman expansion. Under theĀ Ottomans,Ā Jewish and Christian communities achieved the greatest degree of autonomy. Through theĀ Ā ³¾¾±±ō±ō±š³ŁĢżsystem, each community was distinct and responsible directly to the Sultan. The mostĀ famous intrusions into communal life occurred with the Ottoman institution of the JannisaryĀ corps. Young Christian males were conscripted by the Ottoman military, trained as soldiers,Ā converted to Islam, and placed in high positions in Ottoman administration. The processĀ sometimes produced resentment among Christians, but some families actively sought to haveĀ a member chosen because of the possibilities of favours and preferential treatment later whenĀ the candidate assumed official duties.
The Modern Period
Napoleonās invasion of Egypt in 1798 is generally regarded as the beginning of the modernĀ period of the history of the Islamic Middle East and the beginnings of Western colonialismĀ that was to encompass most of the Islamic lands in Asia and Africa. In reality, it signified theĀ decline of Muslim polities against the economic and technological rise of Western Europe. ByĀ the eighteenth century, most Muslims found themselves living in or dependent on one of theĀ three great Muslim empires: the Ottoman, the Mughal, or the Safavid Empire. All threeĀ empires were agrarian and relied on peasant labour for wealth, military strength, and productsĀ for worldwide trade. As Western Europe underwent the technological transformation usuallyĀ termed the Industrial Revolution, with the concomitant rise of capitalism, it also underwent aĀ social and religious revolution that placed great value on the individual and stressedĀ individual effort and initiative. This reorganisation produced societies generally freed fromĀ family and clan constraints on labour allocation, rewards, and relations with governingĀ powers such that the societies became more efficient in manufacturing and trading goods onĀ the world market. In the worldwide competition, major areas of the Islamic world becameĀ providers of raw or only partially manufactured goods for the industrialized West. When theĀ West sold back the manufactured goods, which often drove superior local goods from theĀ market, it also exposed the Muslim customers to the ideals of the reorganised, industrialisedĀ society: individualised human rights, democracy, secularism and secular law, universal edu cation, science, nationalism, and the subordination of religion to the greater ideology of theĀ nation-state. Western military and economic success proved attractive to many members ofĀ the Islamic states who sought to adopt Western ways as a means of securing part of thisĀ success.
In the Ottoman Empire, the British and French found Jews and Christians to be willing agentsĀ for their commercial activities, and theĀ Ottomans, in turn, were pleased to employ theĀ ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±ĢżĀ for these purposes as well. Many Jews and Christians sought to secure the benefits of WesternĀ societies for themselves and their offspring by asking for and getting Western protection,
passports, and, in some instances, citizenship. TheĀ ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±Ģżoften fell under the protection ofĀ the foreign powers. The increasing identification of Jews and Christians with non-MuslimĀ powers served only to isolate these non-Muslims from the rest of Islamic society. Even in places where there was not an indigenous Jewish or Christian population to be exploited f“ǰłĢż economic gain, Western European powers arrived as colonialists with professedly ChristianĀ institutions, expectations, and ideologies. The British were able to separate Egypt from theĀ Ottoman Empire and establish a protectorate in 1882, as they were able to put India underĀ direct British rule in 1857. The French colonized Algeria in 1830 and Tunisia in 1881. TheĀ Dutch competed with the British for Southeast Asia, so that by the end of the nineteenthĀ century, most Muslims were under Western political and legal influence. The secular legalĀ systems devised in the West supplanted both Christian and Muslim customary and religiousĀ law, seriously challenging or eliminating the category ofĀ ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±Ģżin those countries. TheĀ result was often a complete separation of Jews and Christians as groups from a relationship inĀ law with Muslims.
The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I, resulting in the creation ofĀ a number of small nation-states, resulted in a further separation of non-Muslims fromĀ Muslims. The ideology of nationalism reduced religion to the status as one of the componentsĀ of a nation-state ideology. Education became Western, technological, and secular, furtherĀ reducing religion to peripheral status. By the eve of World War II, most Islamic countriesĀ were prepared to overthrow colonialism and establish nation-states. When this happened afterĀ World War II, constitutions were modelled after such countries as Switzerland, the UnitedĀ States, and France, usually guaranteeing freedom of religion but providing no particularĀ safeguards for religious expression. Other religious and ethnic groups also desired nation states. Nominal Christian states were formed in the Balkans, and the state of Israel wasĀ formed in the formerly British mandate territory of Palestine. The creation of the state ofĀ Israel in 1948 became a central focal point for Muslim-Jewish relations, which had steadilyĀ deteriorated since the end of World War I. The worsening conflicts in Palestine increasedĀ Jewish-Muslim conflict in the Arab states, where Jews were seen as both foreign andĀ instruments of Western colonial designs. Within twenty years after the formation of the stateĀ of Israel, the majority of Jews living in Arab lands migrated to Israel, thus crystallizing theĀ conflict in Palestine into a Jewish-Muslim conflict. Rulers in predominantly Muslim countriesĀ no longer had a constituent Jewish population. Jews were an abstract and hostile other, andĀ Judaism, now increasingly identified with Zionism by Jews and non-Jews alike, wasĀ revalorized as the ever-present opposition to Muslims in Islamic history. This last notion,Ā while having its roots in the foundation texts of Islam, was now abstracted in a way unlikeĀ any time in the past, and Jewish-Muslim relations took a new direction.
A common thread among many Islamic intellectuals concerned with the role and direction ofĀ Muslims in the postcolonial world is the role of the Jews in Islamic history. As mentionedĀ above, the historical circumstances of a strong Jewish presence in theĀ HijazĀ duringĀ Muhammadās time and the opposition of most of the Jewish tribes to Muhammadās missionĀ embedded numerous seemingly anti-Jewish statements into the early literature. For a few, in aĀ quest to use the Islamic historical past to explain the present, the negative accounts of JudaismĀ and Christianity became abstracted so as to conflate the past with the present Arab-Israeli andĀ East-West conflicts; for example, biblical descriptions of Jews rebelling against GodāsĀ commands. Medinan Jewish opposition to the forming Muslim state and Israeli actionsĀ against Palestinians were read together as an eternal Jewish character, a view sometimesĀ informed by Western anti-Semitic literature. The Egyptian intellectual,Ā SayyidĀ Qutbās articleĀ āOur Struggle with the Jews,ā is one example, as are the views expressed by leaders of theĀ American Nation of Islam.
Other Muslim intellectuals read the same foundation texts with an emphasis on the specialĀ relationship between God and People of the Book. While deploring the problems in Palestine,Ā they separate the Arab-Israeli conflict from discussions about Jews and Christians. Some atĀ Ā al-AzharĀ in Egypt cite theĀ ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²ŌĀ andĀ ²õ³Ü²Ō²Ō²¹Ģżto support peace accords between Israel and theĀ Palestinians, and Warith D. Muhammad, the son of Elijah Muhammad, in the United StatesĀ has countered the anti-Jewish essentialist reading of the past with a ²Ļ³Ü°łāa²Ōic-based messageĀ of mutual cooperation among Muslims, Jews, and Christians.
The Future
As Islam spreads to new places in the world, more and more Muslims are living as minoritiesĀ in non-Muslim lands. This, too, has proved to be an intellectual challenge. Some MuslimĀ states and organisations have tried to revive a notion ofĀ ¶Ł³ó¾±³¾³¾¾±Ģżin reverse, seeking to be theĀ protectors of the rights of Muslims in non-Muslim countries, as, for example, the MuslimĀ World League and the Islamic Call Society. Linked to these ideas is the notion of theĀ »å²¹āw²¹,ĢżĢżor the invitation to Islam to non-Muslims. The situation of minority Muslim communities inĀ Africa, North America, and Asia, many of whom express Islam in ways different from thoseĀ in Muslim-majority countries where Islam and indigenous cultures are intermixed, isĀ prompting a form of inter-Muslim ecumenism parallel to the willingness of Muslims to par ticipate in the essentially ecumenical dialogues with Jews and Christians, the aims of whichĀ are understanding without attempts at conversion.
Discourse about Muslim-Jewish and Christian relations has been dominated in the first half century by the problems of forming new group identities after the dissolution of colonialism.Ā Muslim, Jewish, and Christian communities have all suffered from conflicts pitting one groupĀ against another. As with any conflict, this period has produced considerable polemic. It hasĀ also produced positive calls for mutual respect and cooperation. The World Council ofĀ Churches has called for positive dialogue with Islam as part of its movement to reach out toĀ people of all religions, and at the Vatican II Council, the Roman Catholic Church called on itsĀ members to esteem Muslims. Among synagogues in America, groups are expanding toĀ promote Jewish-Muslim dialogue. As peace treaties are negotiated and conflicts are reducedĀ to non-belligerency, members of all three religions find themselves in a position to build onĀ the traditions of common heritage and common experience.
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Author
Gordon Newby
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